Yesterday, the 16th day of Goldilocks Strike was a victorious day for the Goldilocks Workers. It was truly a remarkable day for the workers who made a milestone in pursuing their basic right to strike and successfully forged an agreement with the management to break the impasse.

Through the conciliatory efforts of the Department of Labor and Employment, both parties agreed to end the strike on the basis of the following;

1. Effective March 27, the day after the lifting of the strike, status quo for all striking workers should be enforced without any sanctions.
2. For the 94 illegally dismissed striking workers, they are all payroll reinstated upon the lifting of the strike and will take effect until the Court of Appeals has finally ruled on the motion for reconsideration filed by Buklod on the issue of Certification Election and another 60 days time frame for the execution of the said ruling. In the event that the time frame for the implementation of the Certification Election will not be realized, a negotiation for the extension of the time frame would then be decided by both parties. Payroll reinstatement covers not only their salary but also all the benefits due them as regular employee.
3. For the purpose of pursuing a speedy implementation of Certification Election, a special body would be created composed of selective officials from the BLR-DOLE.
4. No retaliatory actions by both parties will be observed.

The Goldilocks strike added a new dimension to the present day struggle of the Filipino workers. For nearly a decade now, the Filipino workers in general were totally devastated as to the ill effects of the onslaught of globalization. Despite the threats and hardships, the Goldilocks workers stood their ground and their courage taught us a lesson that nothing is impossible for as long as you exercise your right on just grounds.

The Goldilocks workers proved that they can withstand the long and tedious strike, fought and frustrate the attempts of the management to break their ranks and lastly, their grim determination to win and openness to all forms of struggle.

We from the BMP (Bukluran ng Manggagawang Pilipino) salute the bravery of the Goldilocks workers. We believe that what they have done will usher a new complexion for the struggle of the Filipino workers.

We also commend the undying support from all our friends, allies and network in the labor front as well as those from various sectors, groups and institutions that one way or another helped us achieve total victory for the Goldilocks workers.

/March 27, 2010
  1. Not a single workers’ strike recently happened in Goldilocks. Though the legitimate and genuine labor union (BISIG) filed three separate Notices of Strike (Dated 04/24/2008; 07/01/2008; and 10/13/2008), all of these were AJ’d (Assumption of Jurisdiction) by the Labor Secretary effectively averting the supposed strikes to happen.
  2. The activity happening in front of the Goldilocks Plant in Mandaluyong is a picket-protest against the dismissal of 129 officers and members of BISIG.
  3. Contrary to the information that the management and their paid-hacks spread, BISIG won overwhelmingly against BUKLOD (the pro-management union). Here is the breakdown of votes: BISIG – 764; BUKLOD – 653; Spoiled ballots – 38; Challenged votes – 202)
  4. BISIG was already certified as the sole and exclusive bargaining agent of Goldilocks employees since March 17, 2008. This led to BISIG’s letter of intent to commence CBA (Collective Bargaining Agreement) negotiations on April 16, 2008 but the management refused to heed their call.
  5. DOLE reaffirmed BISIG’s position as the legitimate labor union through a Resolution released by Undersecretary Romeo Lagman on July 8, 2008.  The Goldilocks management still refused to start the CBA process even after the release of this document.
  6. The management only agreed to commence CBA negotiations when the NLRC, through a decision written by Commissioner Nieves Vivar-de Castro, reversed all resolutions that legitimize BISIG. This led to having BUKLOD, the losing pro-management union, as the sole bargaining representative of Goldilocks workers.
  7. A far cry from the standard procedure of sending official government documents by registered mail, the said decision was hand carried by an NLRC employee a day after its promulgation.
  8. There is no truth to the rumor being peddled by the Goldilocks management and their paid-hacks that BISIG and their supporters started the violence that erupted last Friday (March 19). How come that all of the 8 casualties (Danilo Gicana, Wilson Dy, Carlito Geda, Roberto Carrabacan, Ronald Macalalad, Cillo Crucillo, Canuto Barba and Adolfo Manaog) are from the BISIG side? The public must be informed that Goldilocks has a deadly track record in the field of industrial relations. In 1979, three workers were killed and six were wounded when the police tried to disperse a legitimate strike.
  9. Amidst the misinformation being done by the management and their paid-hacks, the cause of Goldilocks workers are gradually gaining support from different labor groups, community organizations, professionals, political leaders, students and even bloggers.
  10. You can support the cause of Goldilocks workers by boycotting Goldilocks products until the resolution of this dispute. You can also forward/re-post this article on your own blog/website or social networking profiles. Better yet, visit their picket line (498 Shaw Boulevard, Mandaluyong City) to encourage them and extend moral support.

In a short essay published by Inquirer the other Sunday, Gen. Danilo Lim traced his “journey” from a West Point educated officer to a rebel soldier and a political prisoner. Today I shall match his story with the story of my own journey from amrabid anti-militarist to an avid supporter of Gen. Lim.

My narrative starts from the Manila Hotel where, soon after EDSA 1, the Marcos loyalists gathered to clamor for the enthronement of Arturo Tolentino. Having learned from a very reliable source that some of the RAM boys took part in planning that comic affair, I went around frantically warning of an insidious plot from the politicized soldiery or what I termed the “politicians in uniform.”

Such paranoia was fueled by the liberal doctrine that by the nature of their profession, soldiers are essentially reactionary and authoritarian; they should therefore be kept on leash, banished from politics and placed under firm civilian control. It began to wane when I joined a research project for the UN University on “the politicization of the military and the militarization of politics.” In connection with that project I studied several military coups in other parts of the world. Thus I came across instances when the military played a definitely positive role of overthrowing right-wing dictatorships and setting in motion the process of system change.

To illustrate, let me cite the “carnation revolution” in Portugal. Portuguese fascism was the oldest in Europe, antedating Mussolini, Hitler and Franco. Antonio de Oliviera Salazar founded the first fascist state in 1926. He was ruthless but was more subdued than Hitler and Mussolini. The Salazar regime survived World War II because with the outbreak of the Cold War the United States – the self-appointed champion of the “free world” – coddled it as an ally against communism.

After 42 years in power, the Portuguese tyrant died in 1968; but before going into a coma he was able to arrange a smooth transition to handpicked successors. So well entrenched did the successor regime appear so that the political scientists specializing in the study of Portugal last for a long time. Yet in April 1974 it collapsed all of sudden, like the proverbial colossus with feet of clay.

This event known as the “carnation revolution” caught the Portugal watchers by surprise because, trapped in the conventional paradigm of political science, they were only monitoring the puny resistance of the liberal and social democratic parties. They paid no attention to undercurrents in the armed forces, believing that the military would always be a bastion of fascist rule. As it turned out, it was a military group that crushed the backbone of fascism in Portugal.

The experts were oblivious of the fact that the junior officers, fresh from the African campaigns, had been radicalized by their own experience in the battlefield. They realized that they were duped to fight an unjust war by a government that was also oppressing the Portuguese people themselves. Back in Lisbon, they formed a secret society called Movimento das Forças Armadas (MFA) and in April 1974 they launched a coup against the dictatorship.

The MFA junta (known as the Junta for National Salvation) adopted a socialist program and released from colonial rule not only the Portuguese colonies in Africa, but even East Timor, a somnolent territory where there was no pre-existing independence movement. Unfortunately, the progressive military regime lasted only for two years. Unlike Col. Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, the MFA did not build a mass base for its radical reforms. Moreover, they didn’t know how to govern: they mismanaged the economy and international diplomacy. Their ineptitude created an opening for the deposed elite to instigate and finance a counter-coup in collaboration with the CIA.

With such cases in mind, my monograph on the politics of the military already reflected my growing ambivalence. Coincidentally, I presented the monograph to a UN University seminar in Katmandu on the eve of the 1989 coup in Manila. When this erupted, I could not make up my mind. I had lost enthusiasm for Cory Aquino but neither could I be enthusiastic about the coup. I faulted Cory for restoring the old system of elite rule, an oligarchy masquerading as democratic. But the alternative was not alluring. There was a strong suspicion that the coup aimed to install Ponce Enrile and Salvador Laurel; in other words, another reshuffle of personnel at the top that would leave the system of elite rule intact.

Danny Lim, then a captain of the Scout Rangers, took part in that coup as leader of the Young Officers Union. I did not have the slightest idea of what vision inspired. It was only when he got out of detention that I met him through Haydee Yorac. Our long conversations convinced me that the YOU resembled the MFA of Portugal, that it represented a trend whose political outlook was not too different from mine.

Let me summarize the insights drawn from my studies on the military in the process of social change.
There never was an instance in the history of any country when a repressive regime was brought down through purely civilian action or “people power.” Regime change through extra-constitutiona l means invariably involves a military component. Three possible scenarios can be considered in the Philippine context: (1) the military as a whole turns against the regime, as happened in EDSA 2; (2) part of the military breaks with the chain of command and joins the insurgent citizenry, as in EDSA 1; and (3) the mass movement builds its own army and, through protracted war, beats the government armed forces, as Joma has been dreaming over the last four decades.

At the Katmandu seminar, an Indian scholar reproached me for ignoring the case of India where, he said, national liberation was achieved through non-violence in a purely civilian struggle. In fact, I studied that as well. But my study of the Indian case led me to believe that Gandhi’s satyagraha could not have succeeded were it not for a threat of a violent upheaval. The British conceded to the Mahatma’s demands whenever he went on hunger strike because the alternative to Gandhi was Subhas Chandra Bose, a stern advocate of violent revolution. Were it not for the prospect of Subhas Chandra Bose seizing the leadership of the independence movement, the British might have allowed what Winston Churchill described as a “half-naked fakir” to fast himself to death. Later events confirmed this hypothesis. Once the murder of Gandhi removed his restraining moral authority, the Hindus and Indian Moslems immediately embarked on the worst carnage in history.

It is wrong to view the Philippine military as one solid bloc. All assurances from the office of Col. Brawner that everything is under control cannot conceal the widespread restlessness among the Filipino soldiers today. True, most generals belong to the conventional mold. They peddle the myth of political neutrality. In truth, the Philippine military has always been politically involved . . . on the side of the power elite, against the peasant movements and the militant trade unions. The predecessors of the AFP were the Filipino mercenaries recruited by the Americans to suppress their compatriots.

For circumstances too complex to analyze here, a new trend has emerged in the uniformed services. There is a growing network of thinking soldiers who do not blindly obey orders from above. Unlike Tennyson’s foolish light brigade who meekly marched to the jaws of death, believing that their’s is not to reason why but simply to do or die, the thinking Filipino soldiers ask whether the orders are legitimate and moral, and they always stand for what is true, just and right.**

I will leave it for Gen. Danny Lim to explain how this came about. Just allow me to express a view which he might not like to hear: that his election to the Senate will not in itself make a difference to the future of our country for as long as the system of elite rule prevails. He will be a solitary voice in an elite-dominated and trapo-infested legislature. I have no illusion that he will succeed in passing laws to institutionalize fundamental reforms. But even if such a miracle does happen, the laws he sponsors will be diluted by the President through his/her power to set the implementing rules and his/her control over the release of funds. Ultimately these laws will be perverted by a bureaucracy that is susceptible to elite and American pressures.

Nonetheless, I will vote for Gen. Lim because he represents a force that, in tandem with the militant mass movement, opens up the prospect for a just and progressive society our people deserve. A vote for him is a slap on the faces of the trapos and the crooked generals who keep him in prison. Sa paningin ko, ang kahalagahan ng election ay symbolic lamang at hindi katulad sa sinasabi ng ABS-CBN na ito ang simula ng pagbabago.

*This is a speech delivered by Former UP President Francisco “Dodong” Nemenzo at a symposium sponsored by the Third World Studies Center about a week ago. The title of this piece is also an allusion to an article entitled “A Soldier’s Journey” published by the Philippine Daily Inquirer last month. It was written by Brig. Gen. Danny Lim.

It is almost a week since the campaign for candidates, vying for national elective positions, started so I tried to go around the Metro to check who are visible so far. I checked posters (operation dikit), tarpaulins and campaign what-have-you’s and these are the topnotchers as per my observation:

Presidentiables:

  1. Dick Gordon
  2. Manny Villar
  3. Erap Estrada
  4. Gibo Teodoro
  5. Noynoy Aquino

Vice Presidentiables:

  1. Bayani Fernando
  2. Loren Legarda
  3. Mar Roxas
  4. Jojo Binay
  5. Edu Manzano

Senatoriables:

  1. Satur Ocampo
  2. Liza Maza
  3. JV Bautista
  4. Bong Revilla
  5. Ralph Recto
  6. Jinggoy Estrada
  7. Juan Ponce Enrile
  8. Danny Lim
  9. Ramon Guico
  10. Lito Lapid
  11. Silvestre Bello
  12. Rey Langit
  13. Raul Lambino
  14. Neric Acosta
  15. Joey De Venecia
  16. Adel Tamano
  17. Bongbong Marcos
  18. Gilbert Remulla
  19. Pia Cayetano
  20. Risa Hontiveros

Party-lists:

  1. Bayan Muna
  2. Kabataan
  3. Akbayan
  4. Gabriela
  5. Anakpawis
  6. Kabayan
  7. Akap-Bata
  8. ABROAD
  9. AMIN
  10. Katribu

Covered are mainly QC and Manila. These are the main streets/areas I checked:

Juan Luna, Tayuman, Moriones, R-10, Abad Santos, Divisoria, Avenida, Recto, Lacson, España, Blumetritt, Dimasalang, Dapitan, Magsaysay, V. Mapa, Legarda, Mendiola, Taft, Lawton, Roxas Boulevard, TM Kalaw, UN Avenue, Mabini, Padre Faura, Intramuros, San Andres, Quezon Avenue, Commonwealth, Retiro, Amoranto, Araneta, Kalayaan, Kamuning, Kamias, Anonas, QC Circle, EDSA, Morato, E. Rodriguez, Cubao, Aurora Boulevard, Shaw, Ortigas, Imelda Avenue, Marcos Highway & Katipunan.

Dear Friends,

Today February 9, 2009, 129 workers were refused entry by the Goldilocks management. The workers were informed yesterday regarding the latest decision of the NLRC (National Labor Relations Commission) affirming their dismissal.

In turn, the workers staged a picket outside the Goldilocks Plant in Mandaluyong to protest and condemn the unjust decision.

Four years ago, the workers participated in a PCE (Petition for Certification Elections) held in February 28, 2006 as a result of the sixty (60) days freedom period after the 5-year Collective Bargaining agreement covering March 1, 2001 to February 28, 2006 between Goldilocks Bakeshop Inc., and Buklod ng mga Manggagawa sa Goldilocks Bakeshop (BUKLOD) expired. Separate petitions were filed by three groups, namely; KMG-KMM-Katipunan (Kilusan ng mga Manggagawa sa Goldilocks-Kilusan ng mga Manggagawang Makabayan), Bukluran ng Independyenteng Samahan na Itinatag sa Goldilocks (BISIG) and Obrero Pilipino-Goldilocks Employees Association (Obrero-GOLDEA).Being the incumbent union, BUKLOD was considered as forced intervenor for being the incumbent union.

It was a rough sailing for the workers since the management in collusion with the incumbent union (BUKLOD) questioned the petition filed by Obrero-GOLDEA. On the other hand, BUKLOD, filed a petition to cancel BISIG’s certificate of registration.

On May 10, 2006, DOLE-NCR Med-Arbiter Catherine Z. Licaros issued an order directing the conduct of certification of election. In response to the decision, both BUKLOD and Obrero appealed the decision and argued that BISIG and KMG-KMM-Katipunan should be excluded as among the choices in the certification election.

But a resolution was released in September 11, 2006 issued by Undersecretary Luzviminda Padilla dismissing the appeal. Subsequently, an entry of judgment was issued on November 14, 2006 by the Bureau of Labor Relations (BLR) Director Rebecca Chato. The Certification election was finally conducted on March 19, 2007 with the following results;

KMG-KMM-Katipunan———334

BISIG————————–517

OBRERO————————44

BUKLOD———————–581

NO UNION———————-15

__________________________

TOTAL 1491

Because no union garnered the fifty percent plus one (50% plus 1) ruling in the certification election between BUKLOD and BISIG and after hearings on the manifestation, run-off election was scheduled on August 6, 2007 and the result was;

BISIG——————————— 764

BUKLOD——————————653

Spoiled———————————-38

Segregated/Challenged Votes———-202

____________________________

Total Votes: 1,657

Buklod filed a protest in the run-off election and manifested that the segregated ballot must be counted.

On March 17, 2008, seven months later, BISIG was certified as the sole and exclusive bargaining representative of rank and file employees thru the decision issued by Med-Arbiter Atty. Alma Magdaraog-Alma. The decision was appealed by BUKLOD before the office of the Secretary;

Surprisingly on April 10, 2008, the Court of Appeals reinstated the August 11, 2006 Resolution of the then Bureau of Labor Relation OIC-Director Henry Parel delisting BISIG from the roster of legitimate labor organizations. BISIG in turn, immediately filed a motion for reconsideration.

On April 16, 2008, BISIG sent a letter to the Goldilocks Management requesting the latter to commence the collective bargaining negotiation but the management ignored the said letter request. BISIG filed a (NOS) Notice of Strike on April 24, 2008 on the issue of discrimination, harassments and other related issues.

On May 20,2008, the Goldilocks company responded by filing a petition for assumption jurisdiction or Certification for Compulsory Arbitration for the (NOS) Notice of Strike of BISIG dated April 24, 2008. Undersecretary Lourdes Transmonte, then acting Secretary issued a Certificate Order dated May 26, 2008 certifying the labor dispute to the National Labor Relations Commission (NLRC) for compulsory arbitration. The said order was received by BISIG on May 29, 2008.

The conciliation before the NCMB (National Conciliation And Mediation Board, both the Goldilocks Bakeshop Inc representative and BISIG leaders entered into agreement dated June 11, 2008 and agreed to await the office of the (BLR)- Office of the Sec (Osec) will undertake in conjunction with the labor dispute at bench specifically, the issue on Certification election. Additionally, the Union hereby withdraws the instant labor dispute for the sake of industrial peace”.

Days earlier prior to conciliation, BISIG affiliated to AGLO (Association of Genuine Labor Organization) and on June 12, 2008, the Department of Labor and Employment-National Capital Region (DOLE-NCR) issued Certificate of Creation of Local Chapter with Certification No PFC-028-2008-CC.

On June 16, 2008, BISIG filed its manifestation with motion to dismiss before the NLRC, praying that the certified case be dismissed in view of BISIG’s withdrawal of its Notice of Strike dated April 24, 2008.

On July 1, 2008, BISIG filed another NOS (Notice of Strike) on the following grounds; 1.Unfair labor practice, 2. Union Busting and other related cases.

On July 8, 2008, Undersecretary Romeo Lagman, by authority of the Secretary, issued a Resolution affirming BISIG’s certification as an exclusive bargaining representative of Goldilocks Bakeshop Inc., rank and file workers and employees.

On July 11, 2008, the management filed its Manifestation with Motion to Subsume before the Office of DOLE Secretary.

On October 13, 2008, three months later, BISIG filed its third Notice of Strike, this time around the grounds were as follows; 1. Unfair labor practice (Refusal to Bargain Collectively) 2. Illegal Suspension, 3. Unjust transfer of Goldilocks SM Cubao Branch to Provinces, 4. Discrimination (selective P13.00 wage increase) and others.

On October 31, 2008, DOLE Secretary Mariano Roque certified the October 13, 2008 BISIG Notice of Strike to Compulsory Arbitration before the NLRC;

The certified Notice of Strike (NOS) was raffled to NLRC Sixth Division composed of Commissioner Nieves Vivar-de Castro (ponente), Commissioner Benedicto R. Palacol (Presiding Commissioner) and Commissioner Isabel G. Panganiban-Ortiguera.

On May 28, 2009, almost seven months later, the NLRC came up with the decision penned by Commissioner Nieves Vivar-de Castro on the issues contained in the Notice of Strike. The decision was promulgated as follows;

1. Ordering Goldilocks to commence collective bargaining negotiation with BUKLOD (the losing union in the certification election)- this is a blatant disregard of what is the rule of law negating the existence of a duly certified bargaining agent, the BISIG-AGLO.

2. Sustaining the legality of the penalty of suspension on Wilson Dy and six other officers, leaders and members of BISIG-AGLO.- this is an outright non recognition of the violations incurred by the Goldilocks Management.

3. Declaring Joel Lachica and four (4) others to have been validly dismissed from employment- affirming the Management not guilty of unfair labor practice.

4. Declaring the demonstration and picketing of more than 120 workers and employees after office hours and eight hours work conducted on May 20 and 27, 2008 to be illegal strike and imposing the following penalties;

a. For having participated in the illegal strikes, the 17 Union officers and Board members are deemed to have lost their employment.

b. For having committed illegal activities during illegal strikes, the one hundred four (104) Union members are deemed terminated from employment.

c. Ordering Goldilocks to grant financial assistance to the terminated Union members only in an amount equivalent to half month pay per year of service as a measure of social justice.

The decision that was promulgated was unusually hand carried by an NLRC employee a day after the promulgation effected last May 27, 2009 to the office of Miralles and Associates Law Office, a far cry from the NLRC tradition where decisions are being sent thru registered mail.

Another questionable decision made was on the case of illegal strike. To where did the NLRC apply an illegal strike when no strike ever took place. Indeed, there were 3 attempts on the Notices of Strike but all these were assumed jurisdiction by the office of the Secretary thereby averting the supposed strike to take place. Only in the Philippines where you exercise your freedom to picket during break time but now constitute as an illegal strike. A “brilliant” decision penned by an equally brilliant commissioner in the person of Commissioner Nieves De Castro.

Yesterday, February 8, 2010, for over eight months now, the NLRC gave its final blow and reaffirmed the dismissal of the 129 union members of the BISIG Labor Union. This time, the decision focused on the illegality of the strike that became the basis of the dismissal. A strike that never took place.

2010 would be a bleak picture for the 129 families of Goldilocks workers and employees. This is the grim reality of our previous slogan, “Goldilocks tumitiba, Manggagawa kinakawawa”. We want to let the whole world know that the Goldilocks Company continues to grow but not their workers.

Our plight is totally unthinkable, the rule of law applies only to those who have power and money and not to people like ours. In our case, there’s no truth on the saying that for those who have less in life should enjoy more in law.

We are deeply saddened of our situation and to our family, our children and our future. There are companies in the Philippines like Goldilocks. We don’t want our case to become a precedent that would be detrimental to other workers and their families.

Please join us in our crusade to fight not only to ourselves but to the Filipino workers. We welcome your support in our struggle. We still do not lose hope. We will continue our fight in all fronts. In turn, we are seeking your support in whatever way you can. These are the ways where you can be of help;

1. Giving material and financial support to our campaign. (We will later provide details of our bank account)

2. You should think twice eating in Goldilocks branches/outlets. The more you patronize the more you support greedy capitalists.

3. Inform all your relatives, friends here in the Philippines and abroad not to patronize anymore Goldilocks. Always remember our slogan, “Goldilocks tumitiba, Manggagawa kinakawawa”.

4. If you cannot avoid eating in their outlets, at least minimize your patronage.

5. Petition all scrupulous and corrupt government officials in the mold of Commissioners De Castro, Ortiguera and Palacol.

6. Support and join our protest activities.

7. Write protest letters to DOLE, NLRC and related government offices and institution and to the Goldilocks management through their branches and offices. You can directly mail your letter or personally deliver your letter to Goldilocks outlets/branches.

8. Propagate our issue and enjoin everyone to become supporters of Goldilocks workers.

In the pursuit of justice for the Filipino workers,

129 dismissed Goldilocks workers and employees

From the very start that BPI approved my credit card, I never failed to make the most of the instant benefits they offer called Real Thrills. For the last segment of their promo alone (Jollibee), I got about six 1-piece Chicken Joy meals, a 2-piece Chicken Joy meal with Peach-Mango Pie and a 6-piece Chicken Joy bucket. That is aside from the loyalty points I get and the discounts I could avail of because my card is the BPI Edge type.

For the next three months or so (February to April 15), you can get free food (Chorizo Chao Fan or SpicyPork Mushroom Rice) from Chowking if you use your BPI credit card for at least P1,500 of charge. Better options are also available if your charge slip reflects a minimum of P3,000 (Fish Fillet/Breaded Pork Lauriat or Dimsum Platter or Halo-halo Fiesta) or P6,000 (Sulit Salu-Salo Set 1) spent.

For now, I only have a single P3,000-charge slip in my wallet and will soon use it in the most convenient time (in my next mall visit may be). Anyway, I still have until April 15 to get the most out of it and until June 15 to redeem these treats.

Just imagine that, for the next two months, my every visit to the supermarket is equal to a free meal. Who says there’s no such thing as free lunch then? ;p

Nakarinig ka na ba ng campaign na basura?
Nabalitaan mo na ba ang C5 na kalsada?
Yan ang tanong namin,
Maniniwala ka ba sa amin?

Ang sabi niya’y mapapag-aral ka nya?
Tutulungan daw tayong magka-trabaho?
At kanyang plano’y magka-bahay tayo?

Tunay nga bang galing ka sa hirap?
Totoo bang ika’y may malasakit?
Talaga bang may kakayahan
At hindi lang nag-asawa ng mayaman?

Tayo lamang ang magtatapos
ng ating kahirapan.

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